HST 201 Module #13
Module Thirteen: The Rest Is History (1850 CE - 1862 CE)
The period of 1850 CE to 1862 CE was a time of great change and growth in the United States. While much of the attention during this time is often focused on the looming Civil War, there were also many other significant events that shaped the country's history. It is essential to study these events today as they highlight the complexity and diversity of American history and provide context for the challenges the country still faces today.
One significant event during this time was the California Gold Rush, which began in 1848 and lasted through the 1850s. The discovery of gold in California attracted people from all over the world, including China, Europe, and South America. This influx of people led to the growth of cities and the development of infrastructure, including roads, bridges, and railways. However, it also led to significant environmental degradation and conflict with Native American tribes.
Another crucial event during this period was the publication of Harriet Beecher Stowe's novel, Uncle Tom's Cabin, in 1852. The book, which sold over 300,000 copies in its first year, depicted the horrors of slavery and helped to galvanize the anti-slavery movement. The novel's impact was so significant that it is often credited with helping to start the Civil War.
In addition to these events, there were also significant political and economic developments during this time. In 1850, the Compromise of 1850 was passed, which aimed to resolve the conflict between slave and free states by allowing California to enter the Union as a free state while also strengthening the Fugitive Slave Act. The Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 further fueled tensions between the North and South by allowing settlers in the territories to decide whether to allow slavery. These developments ultimately led to the formation of the Republican Party in 1854, which was dedicated to stopping the expansion of slavery.
Despite the many positive developments during this period, there were also significant negatives. The growth of the country's economy and infrastructure often came at the expense of marginalized groups, including Native Americans and enslaved Africans. The conflicts that arose over land and resources during this time led to significant violence and displacement.
Studying this period of American history is essential today as it highlights the complexity and diversity of the country's past. It also provides context for the ongoing struggles for equality and justice in the United States. By understanding the successes and failures of this period, we can learn valuable lessons about how to address the challenges facing our country today.
THE RUNDOWN
QUESTIONS
Work Cited:
Foner, Eric. Give Me Liberty!: An American History. W. W. Norton & Company, 2017.
Grossman, James R. Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story. Encounter Books, 2019.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher. Uncle Tom's Cabin. Dover Publications, 1991.
The period of 1850 CE to 1862 CE was a time of great change and growth in the United States. While much of the attention during this time is often focused on the looming Civil War, there were also many other significant events that shaped the country's history. It is essential to study these events today as they highlight the complexity and diversity of American history and provide context for the challenges the country still faces today.
One significant event during this time was the California Gold Rush, which began in 1848 and lasted through the 1850s. The discovery of gold in California attracted people from all over the world, including China, Europe, and South America. This influx of people led to the growth of cities and the development of infrastructure, including roads, bridges, and railways. However, it also led to significant environmental degradation and conflict with Native American tribes.
Another crucial event during this period was the publication of Harriet Beecher Stowe's novel, Uncle Tom's Cabin, in 1852. The book, which sold over 300,000 copies in its first year, depicted the horrors of slavery and helped to galvanize the anti-slavery movement. The novel's impact was so significant that it is often credited with helping to start the Civil War.
In addition to these events, there were also significant political and economic developments during this time. In 1850, the Compromise of 1850 was passed, which aimed to resolve the conflict between slave and free states by allowing California to enter the Union as a free state while also strengthening the Fugitive Slave Act. The Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 further fueled tensions between the North and South by allowing settlers in the territories to decide whether to allow slavery. These developments ultimately led to the formation of the Republican Party in 1854, which was dedicated to stopping the expansion of slavery.
Despite the many positive developments during this period, there were also significant negatives. The growth of the country's economy and infrastructure often came at the expense of marginalized groups, including Native Americans and enslaved Africans. The conflicts that arose over land and resources during this time led to significant violence and displacement.
Studying this period of American history is essential today as it highlights the complexity and diversity of the country's past. It also provides context for the ongoing struggles for equality and justice in the United States. By understanding the successes and failures of this period, we can learn valuable lessons about how to address the challenges facing our country today.
THE RUNDOWN
- The period of 1850-1862 in the US was a time of significant change and growth.
- Besides the Civil War, there were other crucial events, such as the California Gold Rush and the publication of Uncle Tom's Cabin.
- The California Gold Rush led to the growth of cities and infrastructure but also caused environmental degradation and conflicts with Native American tribes.
- Uncle Tom's Cabin helped to galvanize the anti-slavery movement and is credited with starting the Civil War.
- Political and economic developments during this time included the Compromise of 1850, the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, and the formation of the Republican Party in 1854.
- Marginalized groups, including Native Americans and enslaved Africans, often suffered as a result of the country's growth and development.
- Studying this period of American history is crucial today as it highlights the complexity and diversity of the country's past and provides context for ongoing struggles for equality and justice.
QUESTIONS
- What were the major political and economic developments during this period, and how did they contribute to the tensions between North and South?
- In what ways did the growth of the United States during this period come at the expense of marginalized groups, and how does this impact the ongoing struggles for justice and equality today?
- How does studying this period of American history provide valuable context for understanding the challenges facing the country today, including issues related to race, immigration, and economic inequality?
Work Cited:
Foner, Eric. Give Me Liberty!: An American History. W. W. Norton & Company, 2017.
Grossman, James R. Land of Hope: An Invitation to the Great American Story. Encounter Books, 2019.
Stowe, Harriet Beecher. Uncle Tom's Cabin. Dover Publications, 1991.
#13: History Can Be Exceptional, But Not Virtuous
The concept of exceptionalism in history is a matter of semantics, not virtue. While history can be exceptional in being different from the norm, it cannot be virtuous. American exceptionalism is the idea that the United States is unique in its values, political system, and historical development, implying that it is entitled to play a positive role on the world stage. However, this entitlement needs to be revised. The origins of American exceptionalism can be traced back to the American Revolution when the US emerged as the first new nation with distinct ideas based on principles such as liberty, equality before the law, individual responsibility, republicanism, representative democracy, and laissez-faire economics. While some European practices were transmitted to America, the US abolished them during the American Revolution, further confirming its liberalism. This liberalism laid the foundation for American exceptionalism, closely tied to republicanism, believing that sovereignty belonged to the people, not a hereditary ruling class.
The problem with exceptionalism is the assumption that it entitles the US to act as a peerless interloper without questioning its moral scruples. This was seen during the George W. Bush administration. The term was abstracted from its historical context and used to describe a phenomenon where specific political interests viewed the US as "above" or an "exception" to the law, particularly the law of nations. However, history shows that American exceptionalism is morally flawed due to issues such as slavery, civil rights, and social welfare. Even events like the revelations of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib prison and the government's incompetence after Hurricane Katrina opened fissures in the myth of exceptionalism. While the US has been remarkably democratic, politically stable, and free of war on its soil compared to most European countries, there have been significant exceptions, such as the American Civil War. Even after the abolition of slavery, the US government ignored the requirements of the Equal Protection Clause concerning African-Americans during the Jim Crow era and women's suffrage until the Nineteenth Amendment to the US Constitution in 1920. The US has also sometimes supported the overthrow of democratically elected governments to pursue other objectives, typically economic and anti-communist.
My dear friends, history is a tapestry woven with the threads of triumph and tragedy, nobility and immortality. We are often enchanted by its tales of human progress and creativity, and rightly so. But let us not forget that history also holds the darkest deeds, the most heinous acts. History can be extraordinary but far from virtuous. To prove my point, I shall delve into the annals of time and highlight certain historical events that exemplify my argument.
Let's start by setting the stage for what we mean by "exceptional" and "virtuous." Exceptional is like a shiny penny in a pile of dirt. It stands out and catches your eye. It's noteworthy, outstanding, or uncommon. It's like a tiger that's a great hunter but also a ruthless killer. Virtuous, on the other hand, is like a beacon of light in the dark. It's actions or behavior that are morally righteous, ethical, or just. When we say that history can be exceptional but not virtuous, we're saying that some events or individuals can be unique regarding their impact, significance, or influence, but that doesn't necessarily mean their actions were virtuous or morally upright. Exceptional? Yes. Virtuous? Not so much.
They said the sun never set on the British Empire for a good reason. Picture this: the British Empire, a behemoth that spanned continents and ruled over countless subjects, was a force to be reckoned with. It was a time of innovation, scientific discovery, and technological advancement. But behind the veneer of greatness and exceptionalism lay a darker truth. The British Empire was built on the backs of the oppressed and the exploited, the blood and sweat of the indigenous peoples who were conquered and subjugated. The British Empire's legacy is colonization, slavery, and racism.
The British Empire brought about significant advancements that changed the course of history. It spread the English language and culture to the far corners of the earth, and its contributions to science, technology, and medicine cannot be understated. But these exceptional achievements came at a high cost that cannot be ignored. The rise of the British Empire is a testament to the duality of human nature. It is a story of greatness, moral ambiguity, exceptionalism, and exploitation. The British Empire may have been exceptional, but it was not virtuous. Its legacy is a reminder that progress must not come at the expense of others and that the ends do not always justify the means.
So, why bother delving into history's more dubious deeds? Because, my friend, it's essential. Sure, it's important to celebrate the heroes and heroines of yore, those paragons of virtue who inspired us all to be better people. But what about the ones who weren't so virtuous? The ones who did some pretty messed up stuff? It turns out that studying those moments of unusual but questionable behavior can help us understand the complexity and nuance of human history. We can learn from the successes and failures of our ancestors and see how their actions have shaped the world we live in today. It's like being a time traveler; instead of a TARDIS or DeLorean, we've got textbooks and archives.
By digging into history, we can better understand the forces that have shaped our societies and cultures. We can start to see the patterns and cycles of human behavior and even recognize the danger of repeating past mistakes. As the great philosopher George Santayana once said, "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it." And trust me, my friend, we don't want to go down that road again. History is not any virtuous tale of righteousness and goodness. It's a wild ride, full of ups and downs, and even the exceptional moments can be tainted by some serious dirt. Take Qin Shi Huang and the British Empire, for example. Sure, they had moments of greatness, but they left a trail of destruction and oppression in their wake.
But don't get me wrong. We have to celebrate exceptional moments in history. They show us what humans can do when we put our minds to it. However, we can't ignore the dark side of history. We have to learn from it. We must understand that history isn't just a simple tale of heroes and villains. It's a complicated mess of human experiences and actions. So, let's study history with a critical eye. Let's be nuanced in our understanding of the past. Let's recognize that history is messy and complicated, and that's okay. We have to learn from past mistakes so we don't repeat them in the future. Luckily, our history is still being written. The path we take next does not need to lead to bloodshed or heartbreak. It can be a road to continued growth and prosperity and not at the expense of others.
THE RUNDOWN
THE STATE OF THE UNION
The concept of exceptionalism in history is a matter of semantics, not virtue. While history can be exceptional in being different from the norm, it cannot be virtuous. American exceptionalism is the idea that the United States is unique in its values, political system, and historical development, implying that it is entitled to play a positive role on the world stage. However, this entitlement needs to be revised. The origins of American exceptionalism can be traced back to the American Revolution when the US emerged as the first new nation with distinct ideas based on principles such as liberty, equality before the law, individual responsibility, republicanism, representative democracy, and laissez-faire economics. While some European practices were transmitted to America, the US abolished them during the American Revolution, further confirming its liberalism. This liberalism laid the foundation for American exceptionalism, closely tied to republicanism, believing that sovereignty belonged to the people, not a hereditary ruling class.
The problem with exceptionalism is the assumption that it entitles the US to act as a peerless interloper without questioning its moral scruples. This was seen during the George W. Bush administration. The term was abstracted from its historical context and used to describe a phenomenon where specific political interests viewed the US as "above" or an "exception" to the law, particularly the law of nations. However, history shows that American exceptionalism is morally flawed due to issues such as slavery, civil rights, and social welfare. Even events like the revelations of prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib prison and the government's incompetence after Hurricane Katrina opened fissures in the myth of exceptionalism. While the US has been remarkably democratic, politically stable, and free of war on its soil compared to most European countries, there have been significant exceptions, such as the American Civil War. Even after the abolition of slavery, the US government ignored the requirements of the Equal Protection Clause concerning African-Americans during the Jim Crow era and women's suffrage until the Nineteenth Amendment to the US Constitution in 1920. The US has also sometimes supported the overthrow of democratically elected governments to pursue other objectives, typically economic and anti-communist.
My dear friends, history is a tapestry woven with the threads of triumph and tragedy, nobility and immortality. We are often enchanted by its tales of human progress and creativity, and rightly so. But let us not forget that history also holds the darkest deeds, the most heinous acts. History can be extraordinary but far from virtuous. To prove my point, I shall delve into the annals of time and highlight certain historical events that exemplify my argument.
Let's start by setting the stage for what we mean by "exceptional" and "virtuous." Exceptional is like a shiny penny in a pile of dirt. It stands out and catches your eye. It's noteworthy, outstanding, or uncommon. It's like a tiger that's a great hunter but also a ruthless killer. Virtuous, on the other hand, is like a beacon of light in the dark. It's actions or behavior that are morally righteous, ethical, or just. When we say that history can be exceptional but not virtuous, we're saying that some events or individuals can be unique regarding their impact, significance, or influence, but that doesn't necessarily mean their actions were virtuous or morally upright. Exceptional? Yes. Virtuous? Not so much.
They said the sun never set on the British Empire for a good reason. Picture this: the British Empire, a behemoth that spanned continents and ruled over countless subjects, was a force to be reckoned with. It was a time of innovation, scientific discovery, and technological advancement. But behind the veneer of greatness and exceptionalism lay a darker truth. The British Empire was built on the backs of the oppressed and the exploited, the blood and sweat of the indigenous peoples who were conquered and subjugated. The British Empire's legacy is colonization, slavery, and racism.
The British Empire brought about significant advancements that changed the course of history. It spread the English language and culture to the far corners of the earth, and its contributions to science, technology, and medicine cannot be understated. But these exceptional achievements came at a high cost that cannot be ignored. The rise of the British Empire is a testament to the duality of human nature. It is a story of greatness, moral ambiguity, exceptionalism, and exploitation. The British Empire may have been exceptional, but it was not virtuous. Its legacy is a reminder that progress must not come at the expense of others and that the ends do not always justify the means.
So, why bother delving into history's more dubious deeds? Because, my friend, it's essential. Sure, it's important to celebrate the heroes and heroines of yore, those paragons of virtue who inspired us all to be better people. But what about the ones who weren't so virtuous? The ones who did some pretty messed up stuff? It turns out that studying those moments of unusual but questionable behavior can help us understand the complexity and nuance of human history. We can learn from the successes and failures of our ancestors and see how their actions have shaped the world we live in today. It's like being a time traveler; instead of a TARDIS or DeLorean, we've got textbooks and archives.
By digging into history, we can better understand the forces that have shaped our societies and cultures. We can start to see the patterns and cycles of human behavior and even recognize the danger of repeating past mistakes. As the great philosopher George Santayana once said, "Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it." And trust me, my friend, we don't want to go down that road again. History is not any virtuous tale of righteousness and goodness. It's a wild ride, full of ups and downs, and even the exceptional moments can be tainted by some serious dirt. Take Qin Shi Huang and the British Empire, for example. Sure, they had moments of greatness, but they left a trail of destruction and oppression in their wake.
But don't get me wrong. We have to celebrate exceptional moments in history. They show us what humans can do when we put our minds to it. However, we can't ignore the dark side of history. We have to learn from it. We must understand that history isn't just a simple tale of heroes and villains. It's a complicated mess of human experiences and actions. So, let's study history with a critical eye. Let's be nuanced in our understanding of the past. Let's recognize that history is messy and complicated, and that's okay. We have to learn from past mistakes so we don't repeat them in the future. Luckily, our history is still being written. The path we take next does not need to lead to bloodshed or heartbreak. It can be a road to continued growth and prosperity and not at the expense of others.
THE RUNDOWN
- American exceptionalism means the United States is unique in its beliefs, laws, and history. But it could be better.
- This idea started during the American Revolution when the US became the first new nation with its ideas.
- The problem with exceptionalism is that people might think they can do whatever they want without being moral.
- The US has had problems in the past, like slavery and unequal rights, that show the idea of exceptionalism is flawed.
- Some parts of history are important but only sometimes good. Just because something is unique or powerful doesn't mean it's morally right.
- The British Empire is an example of this - it had greatness and did some good, but it also did terrible things and took advantage of others.
- Looking at the moments in history when people acted strangely or badly can help us learn from our mistakes and understand why things are the way they are today.
THE STATE OF THE UNION
HIGHLIGHTS
We've got some fine classroom lectures coming your way, all courtesy of the RPTM podcast. These lectures will take you on a wild ride through history, exploring everything from ancient civilizations and epic battles to scientific breakthroughs and artistic revolutions. The podcast will guide you through each lecture with its no-nonsense, straight-talking style, using various sources to give you the lowdown on each topic. You won't find any fancy-pants jargon or convoluted theories here, just plain and straightforward explanations anyone can understand. So sit back and prepare to soak up some knowledge.
LECTURES
LECTURES
READING
This class utilizes the following textbook:
Carnes, Mark C., and John A. Garraty. American Destiny: Narrative of a Nation. 4th ed. Vol. 1.: Pearson, 2011.
Mark C. Carnes and John A. Garraty are respected historians who have made notable contributions to American history. First, we've got Carnes - this guy's a real maverick when it comes to studying the good ol' US of A. He's all about the secret societies that helped shape our culture in the 1800s. You know, the ones that operated behind closed doors had their fingers in all sorts of pies. Carnes is the man who can unravel those mysteries and give us a glimpse into the underbelly of American culture. We've also got Garraty in the mix. This guy's no slouch either - he's known for taking a big-picture view of American history and bringing it to life with his engaging writing style. Whether profiling famous figures from our past or digging deep into a particular aspect of our nation's history, Garraty always keeps it accurate and accessible. You don't need a Ph.D. to understand what he's saying, and that's why he's a true heavyweight in the field.
This class utilizes the following textbook:
Carnes, Mark C., and John A. Garraty. American Destiny: Narrative of a Nation. 4th ed. Vol. 1.: Pearson, 2011.
Mark C. Carnes and John A. Garraty are respected historians who have made notable contributions to American history. First, we've got Carnes - this guy's a real maverick when it comes to studying the good ol' US of A. He's all about the secret societies that helped shape our culture in the 1800s. You know, the ones that operated behind closed doors had their fingers in all sorts of pies. Carnes is the man who can unravel those mysteries and give us a glimpse into the underbelly of American culture. We've also got Garraty in the mix. This guy's no slouch either - he's known for taking a big-picture view of American history and bringing it to life with his engaging writing style. Whether profiling famous figures from our past or digging deep into a particular aspect of our nation's history, Garraty always keeps it accurate and accessible. You don't need a Ph.D. to understand what he's saying, and that's why he's a true heavyweight in the field.
Howard Zinn was a historian, writer, and political activist known for his critical analysis of American history. He is particularly well-known for his counter-narrative to traditional American history accounts and highlights marginalized groups' experiences and perspectives. Zinn's work is often associated with social history and is known for his Marxist and socialist views. Larry Schweikart is also a historian, but his work and perspective are often considered more conservative. Schweikart's work is often associated with military history, and he is known for his support of free-market economics and limited government. Overall, Zinn and Schweikart have different perspectives on various historical issues and events and may interpret historical events and phenomena differently. Occasionally, we will also look at Thaddeus Russell, a historian, author, and academic. Russell has written extensively on the history of social and cultural change, and his work focuses on how marginalized and oppressed groups have challenged and transformed mainstream culture. Russell is known for his unconventional and controversial ideas, and his work has been praised for its originality and provocative nature.
My classes utilize both Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States and Larry Schweikart's Patriot's History of the United States, mostly in excerpts posted to the modules. You can access the full text of People's History or Patriot's History by clicking on the links.
My classes utilize both Howard Zinn's A People's History of the United States and Larry Schweikart's Patriot's History of the United States, mostly in excerpts posted to the modules. You can access the full text of People's History or Patriot's History by clicking on the links.

Zinn Chapter 10: The Other Civil War
...Class-consciousness was overwhelmed during the Civil War, both North and South, by military and political unity in the crisis of war. That unity was weaned by rhetoric and enforced by arms. It was a war proclaimed as a war for liberty, but working people would be attacked by soldiers if they dared to strike, Indians would be massacred in Colorado by the U.S. army, and those daring to criticize Lincoln's policies would be put in jail without trial-perhaps thirty thousand political prisoners.
Still, there were signs in both sections of dissent from that unity- anger of poor against rich, rebellion against the dominant political and economic forces.
In the North, the war brought high prices for food and the necessities of life. Prices of milk, eggs, cheese were up 60 to 100 percent for families that had not been able to pay the old prices. One historian (Emerson Fite, Social and Industrial Conditions in the North during the Civil War) described the war situation: "Employers were wont to appropriate to themselves all or nearly all of the profits accruing from the higher prices, without being willing to grant to the employees a fair share of these profits through the medium of higher wages."
There were strikes all over the country during the war. The Springfield Republican… said that "the workmen of almost every branch of trade have had their strikes within the last few months," and the San Francisco Evening Bulletin said "striking for higher wages is now the rage among the working people of San Francisco." Unions were being formed as a result of these strikes. Philadelphia shoemakers in 1863 announced that high prices made organization imperative.
The headline in Fincher's Trades' Review of November 21, 1863, "THE REVOLUTION IN NEW YORK," was an exaggeration, but its list of labor activities was impressive evidence of the hidden resentments of the poor during the war:
The upheaval of the laboring masses in New York has startled the capitalists of that city and vicinity…
The machinists are making a hold stand… We publish their appeal in another column.
The City Railroad employees struck for higher wages, and made the whole population, for a few days, "ride on Shank's mare."...
The house painters of Brooklyn have taken steps to counteract the attempt of the bosses to reduce their wages.
The house carpenters, we are informed, are pretty well "out of the woods" and their demands are generally complied with.
The safe-makers have obtained an increase of wages, and are now at work.
The lithographic printers are making efforts to secure better pay for their labor.
The workmen on the iron clads are yet holding out against the contractors. ...
The window shade painters have obtained an advance of 25 percent.
The horse shoers are fortifying themselves against the evils of money and trade fluctuations.
The sash and blind-makers are organized and ask their employers for 25 percent additional.
The sugar packers are remodeling their list of prices.
The glasscutters demand 15 percent to present wages.
Imperfect as we confess our list to be, there is enough to convince the reader that the social revolution now working its way through the land must succeed, if workingmen are only true to each other.
The stage drivers, to the number of 800, are on a strike…
The workingmen of Boston are not behind… in addition to the strike at the Charlestown Navy Yard…
The riggers are on a strike…
At this writing it is rumored, says the Boston Post, that a general strike is contemplated among the workmen in the iron establishments at South Boston, and other parts of the city.
The war brought many women into shops and factories, often over the objections of men who saw them driving wage scales down. In New York City, girls sewed umbrellas from six in the morning to midnight, earning $3 a week, from which employers deducted the cost of needles and thread. Girls who made cotton shirts received twenty-four cents for a twelve-hour day. In late 1863, New York working women held a mass meeting to find a solution to their problems. A Working Women's Protective Union was formed, and there was a strike of women umbrella workers in New York and Brooklyn. In Providence, Rhode Island, a Ladies Cigar Makers Union was organized.
Altogether, by 1864, about 200,000 workers, men and women, were in trade unions, forming national unions in some of the trades, putting out labor newspapers.
Union troops were used to break strikes. Federal soldiers were sent to Cold Springs, New York, to end a strike at a gun works where workers wanted a wage increase. Striking machinists and tailors in St. Louis were forced back to work by the army. In Tennessee, a Union general arrested and sent out of the state two hundred striking mechanics. When engineers on the Reading Railroad struck, troops broke that strike, as they did with miners in Tioga County, Pennsylvania.
White workers of the North were not enthusiastic about a war which seemed to be fought for the black slave, or for the capitalist, for anyone but them. They worked in semi slave conditions themselves. They thought the war was profiting the new class of millionaires. They saw defective guns sold to the army by contractors, sand sold as sugar, rye sold as coffee, shop sweepings made into clothing and blankets, paper-soled shoes produced for soldiers at the front, navy ships made of rotting timbers, soldiers' uniforms that fell apart in the rain.
The Irish working people of New York, recent immigrants, poor, looked upon with contempt by native Americans, could hardly find sympathy for the black population of the city who competed with them for jobs as longshoremen, barbers, waiters, domestic servants. Blacks, pushed out of these jobs, often were used to break strikes. Then came the war, the draft, the chance of death. And the Conscription Act of 1863 provided that the rich could avoid military service: they could pay $300 or buy a substitute. In the summer of 1863, a "Song of the Conscripts" was circulated by the thousands in New York and other cities. One stanza:
We're earning, Father Abraham, three hundred thousand more We leave our homes and firesides -with bleeding hearts and sore Since poverty has been our crime, we bow to thy decree; We are the poor and have no wealth to purchase liberty.
When recruiting for the army began in July 1863, a mob in New York wrecked the main recruiting station. Then, for three days, crowds of white workers marched through the city, destroying buildings, factories, streetcar lines, homes. The draft riots were complex-anti-black, anti-rich, anti-Republican. From an assault on draft headquarters, the rioters went on to attacks on wealthy homes, then to the murder of blacks. They marched through the streets, forcing factories to close, recruiting more members of the mob. They set the city's colored orphan asylum on fire. They shot, burned, and hanged blacks they found in the streets. Many people were thrown into the rivers to drown.
On the fourth day, Union troops returning from the Battle of Gettysburg came into the city and stopped the rioting. Perhaps four hundred people were killed. No exact figures have ever been given, but the number of lives lost was greater than in any other incident of domestic violence in American history…
...Class-consciousness was overwhelmed during the Civil War, both North and South, by military and political unity in the crisis of war. That unity was weaned by rhetoric and enforced by arms. It was a war proclaimed as a war for liberty, but working people would be attacked by soldiers if they dared to strike, Indians would be massacred in Colorado by the U.S. army, and those daring to criticize Lincoln's policies would be put in jail without trial-perhaps thirty thousand political prisoners.
Still, there were signs in both sections of dissent from that unity- anger of poor against rich, rebellion against the dominant political and economic forces.
In the North, the war brought high prices for food and the necessities of life. Prices of milk, eggs, cheese were up 60 to 100 percent for families that had not been able to pay the old prices. One historian (Emerson Fite, Social and Industrial Conditions in the North during the Civil War) described the war situation: "Employers were wont to appropriate to themselves all or nearly all of the profits accruing from the higher prices, without being willing to grant to the employees a fair share of these profits through the medium of higher wages."
There were strikes all over the country during the war. The Springfield Republican… said that "the workmen of almost every branch of trade have had their strikes within the last few months," and the San Francisco Evening Bulletin said "striking for higher wages is now the rage among the working people of San Francisco." Unions were being formed as a result of these strikes. Philadelphia shoemakers in 1863 announced that high prices made organization imperative.
The headline in Fincher's Trades' Review of November 21, 1863, "THE REVOLUTION IN NEW YORK," was an exaggeration, but its list of labor activities was impressive evidence of the hidden resentments of the poor during the war:
The upheaval of the laboring masses in New York has startled the capitalists of that city and vicinity…
The machinists are making a hold stand… We publish their appeal in another column.
The City Railroad employees struck for higher wages, and made the whole population, for a few days, "ride on Shank's mare."...
The house painters of Brooklyn have taken steps to counteract the attempt of the bosses to reduce their wages.
The house carpenters, we are informed, are pretty well "out of the woods" and their demands are generally complied with.
The safe-makers have obtained an increase of wages, and are now at work.
The lithographic printers are making efforts to secure better pay for their labor.
The workmen on the iron clads are yet holding out against the contractors. ...
The window shade painters have obtained an advance of 25 percent.
The horse shoers are fortifying themselves against the evils of money and trade fluctuations.
The sash and blind-makers are organized and ask their employers for 25 percent additional.
The sugar packers are remodeling their list of prices.
The glasscutters demand 15 percent to present wages.
Imperfect as we confess our list to be, there is enough to convince the reader that the social revolution now working its way through the land must succeed, if workingmen are only true to each other.
The stage drivers, to the number of 800, are on a strike…
The workingmen of Boston are not behind… in addition to the strike at the Charlestown Navy Yard…
The riggers are on a strike…
At this writing it is rumored, says the Boston Post, that a general strike is contemplated among the workmen in the iron establishments at South Boston, and other parts of the city.
The war brought many women into shops and factories, often over the objections of men who saw them driving wage scales down. In New York City, girls sewed umbrellas from six in the morning to midnight, earning $3 a week, from which employers deducted the cost of needles and thread. Girls who made cotton shirts received twenty-four cents for a twelve-hour day. In late 1863, New York working women held a mass meeting to find a solution to their problems. A Working Women's Protective Union was formed, and there was a strike of women umbrella workers in New York and Brooklyn. In Providence, Rhode Island, a Ladies Cigar Makers Union was organized.
Altogether, by 1864, about 200,000 workers, men and women, were in trade unions, forming national unions in some of the trades, putting out labor newspapers.
Union troops were used to break strikes. Federal soldiers were sent to Cold Springs, New York, to end a strike at a gun works where workers wanted a wage increase. Striking machinists and tailors in St. Louis were forced back to work by the army. In Tennessee, a Union general arrested and sent out of the state two hundred striking mechanics. When engineers on the Reading Railroad struck, troops broke that strike, as they did with miners in Tioga County, Pennsylvania.
White workers of the North were not enthusiastic about a war which seemed to be fought for the black slave, or for the capitalist, for anyone but them. They worked in semi slave conditions themselves. They thought the war was profiting the new class of millionaires. They saw defective guns sold to the army by contractors, sand sold as sugar, rye sold as coffee, shop sweepings made into clothing and blankets, paper-soled shoes produced for soldiers at the front, navy ships made of rotting timbers, soldiers' uniforms that fell apart in the rain.
The Irish working people of New York, recent immigrants, poor, looked upon with contempt by native Americans, could hardly find sympathy for the black population of the city who competed with them for jobs as longshoremen, barbers, waiters, domestic servants. Blacks, pushed out of these jobs, often were used to break strikes. Then came the war, the draft, the chance of death. And the Conscription Act of 1863 provided that the rich could avoid military service: they could pay $300 or buy a substitute. In the summer of 1863, a "Song of the Conscripts" was circulated by the thousands in New York and other cities. One stanza:
We're earning, Father Abraham, three hundred thousand more We leave our homes and firesides -with bleeding hearts and sore Since poverty has been our crime, we bow to thy decree; We are the poor and have no wealth to purchase liberty.
When recruiting for the army began in July 1863, a mob in New York wrecked the main recruiting station. Then, for three days, crowds of white workers marched through the city, destroying buildings, factories, streetcar lines, homes. The draft riots were complex-anti-black, anti-rich, anti-Republican. From an assault on draft headquarters, the rioters went on to attacks on wealthy homes, then to the murder of blacks. They marched through the streets, forcing factories to close, recruiting more members of the mob. They set the city's colored orphan asylum on fire. They shot, burned, and hanged blacks they found in the streets. Many people were thrown into the rivers to drown.
On the fourth day, Union troops returning from the Battle of Gettysburg came into the city and stopped the rioting. Perhaps four hundred people were killed. No exact figures have ever been given, but the number of lives lost was greater than in any other incident of domestic violence in American history…

American Progress (1872) by John Gast is an allegorical representation of the modernization of the new west. Columbia, a personification of the United States, is shown leading civilization westward with the American settlers. She is shown bringing light from east to west, stringing telegraph wire, holding a book, and highlighting different stages of economic activity and evolving forms of transportation.
KEY TERMS
- Sherman's March to the Sea
- Ironclads
- Piracy Part Four
- Andersonville Prison
- Emancipation Proclamation
- Gettysburg Address
- Appomattox Courthouse
- Battle of Palmito Ranch
- The 13th Amendment
- Photojournalism
- The Aftermath of War
- Pinkertons
- The Camel Corps
- The King of Beaver Island
- The Pony Express
- California Police Tax
- Cochise
- 1860s Fashion
- Ex Parte Merryman
- The Homestead Act
- Sioux Uprising
ASSIGNMENTS
Forum Discussion #14
- Forum Discussion #14
Forum Discussion #14
The "Lost Cause of the Confederacy," or simply the "Lost Cause," is an American historical negationist ideology that holds that despite losing the American Civil War, the cause of the Confederacy was a just and heroic one. The ideology endorses the supposed virtues of the antebellum South, viewing the war as a struggle primarily for the Southern way of life or "states' rights" in the face of overwhelming "northern aggression". At the same time, the Lost Cause minimizes or denies outright the central role of slavery in the outbreak of the war.
Do some research and please answer the following question with a two-paragraph minimum:
From pulling the information from what you have learned about in class, why is the “Lost Cause” a folly way of thinking? Why do many still hold onto the notion of a noble war fought against “northern aggression?”
Need help? Remember the Discussion Board Rubric.
LEGAL MUMBO JUMBO
Do some research and please answer the following question with a two-paragraph minimum:
From pulling the information from what you have learned about in class, why is the “Lost Cause” a folly way of thinking? Why do many still hold onto the notion of a noble war fought against “northern aggression?”
Need help? Remember the Discussion Board Rubric.
LEGAL MUMBO JUMBO
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